Abadula Gemeda: Man of Straw or Man of the World or No Exception to the Legacy?

By Mengistu Assefa (Dr.)

After a week of bewildering assumptions and theories by politicians and media outlets as to why Obbo Abadula Gemeda resigned as Speaker of the lower house of parliament, on Saturday October 14, 2017 he came out on a state-run television Oromia Broadcasting Network and made his reasons clear why he decided to quit the post. In comments carried by the Network Abadula said he was dissatisfied with the EPRDF`s treatment of Oromo people. He said “I resigned because my people and party were disrespected. However, I will struggle to bring the necessary respect and do the best I can for the Oromo people to (re)gain their rights”.

I have to admit how tremendous the reactions this new development in EPRDF drew are as they are well deserved. I have seen comments and analyses from multiple sides of political interest groups and various media outlets. Some say it is nothing more than a puppet with fake name and identity holding a symbolic representation kicked out and put to garbage by his masters when he sought to breath on his own. Others saw it as a rare heroic move in a march to stand by side and redeem the oppressed Oromo nation.

Abadula`s own words and facial appearance on the television resonate the later. But what really happened? What is going on in EPRDF? Is the institutionalized Oromo nationalism going to take a tipping point against its oppressors (of all kind) in the face of all odds? Are we finally going to see the youth generation who were buried by the state brutality in the last couple of years really grow alive (in Abadula) as they were seeds of liberty, equality and social justice? Do we have to take Abadula for whatever he says anyway? Or are we doing it already?

I argue that both above cases hold some weight and yet miss the essential long track record of Obbo Abadula`s military and public service implications.  The first case which presents his resignation as a forced removal by his masters (viz TPLF) misses the important point that Abadula is nothing like puppet political material; rather a feared reformist nationalist whom even the late Prime Minister Meles Zenawi didn’t say or take anything against. He brought him to higher federal office to make him lose close contact with and grip on the fearsome Oromo nationalism (the reformist nationalism which was crafted on the promise that Abadula made to the youth to build and maintain Oromo interest politically, economically and legally in the Ethiopian federal polity). 

He was an army general who served at various levels and ranks of operations and fields in the military. He was defense minister and later Oromia National Regional State president. His Oromo reformist nationalism with Ethiopian patriotism which is an experiment in the making in Ethiopian quasi ethnic federalism is both troubling and essential to the political strategy of EPRDF. His strongman stance gave him a nickname “bulldozer”. 

Given this all long track record of Obbo Abadula Gemeda, it is difficult to make a bold conclusion that he is just a balloon seeking to breath on its own in the hands of its inflators. The second category of reaction is a colorful one, at least temporarily. It`s a view held by the majority of Oromo intellectuals, political personalities and (‘conventional and social’) media analysts. It is a view that hails Abadula as die hard man of the world for the historic Oromo struggle born out of the years-long discontentment with the usual transaction he had been making within the EPRDF and the pressing issue of the popular and unquenchable Oromo Protest which swept the nation to which state brutality was the only way the federal government responded only to claim the lives of above 1000 people and forced the government to impose the notorious ten month long state of emergency which resulted in imprisonment of nearly 30000 people.  

The recent development of border clash between Oromia and Ethiopian Somali regional states (which some claim that the federal government systematically recruited funded, trained, armed and deployed the infamous Somali Liyu Police to weaken the Oromo Protest) made Abadula (seemed) genuinely dissatisfied with how his people are treated by the federal government and how his party is undermined with regard to the existing and unescapable challenges begging only for a proper response. The proponents of Abadula`s heroic answer for longstanding call from the Qarree & Qeerroo and Qubee Generation take this for face value and go beyond with their political ambitions. I think this has to be dealt with, with the seriousness it deserves as it has a more serious damage with far reaching consequences. Here is why I say this. 

First off, it is too early to comment in such a way that the EPRDF veteran politician jumped out of his post and joined the youth for struggle for human and democratic rights and social justice. I am not saying it is impossible. I am saying let us wait and see what he really meant by disrespect particularly. Let us also hear what the EPRDF would say on the matter of the new tension as Abadula is their precious pal after all. 

Second, this latter view which is cleansing Abadula from all his sins and canonizing him into the bunch of torchbearers of liberty and justice who walked the talk of resistance against injustice. This is the big win for EPRDF as it critically helps it to hijack (forge and fake it to be its cause) the existing resistance to which the regime is pathologically incapable of providing the proper justice and democratization as well as prosperity the people are demanding. This brings me to the final part where I propose three interrelated possible reasons why Abadula might have done what he did.

  1. Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO) has lost its organizational vitality and popular legitimacy which enable it to bring the justice, socioeconomic development and benefits thereof for the people it represents. The Oromo people especially the youth feel that OPDO has traded the dignity, resources and cultural pride of its people for the suckers. It is considered as a weak, callous irredeemable mafia agent inept to do any good, whose best brings decapitation of Oromo struggle. This view is severely damaging to a political party as anyone can make out.  In order to bring the “lost” organizational vitality and fractured promise of popular legitimacy back to the minds and hearts of Oromo youth, OPDO has to revitalize itself and reclaim its legitimacy as well as repair the fractured promise of democratization and self-determination fueled by and built on Oromummaa and Sabboonummaa (the central tenets of Oromo Nationalism) as per their stipulation of “change from within”. Abadula`s own words taken literally can systematically reverse the malice, bring salvation from its founder and put lipstick on the nose of a pig. This is the way OPDO can fake restoring the respect it deserves and struggling for the rights of Oromo. It is the only way OPDO can continue as a political party and coalition member in EPRDF with no fundamental change in its essential stance. If not, it has to either cut the knot and let the people go or divorce EPRDF and live and die for the people it claims it represents. When I see activists who are hardline critics of OPDO patronizing Abadula Gemeda, I think he is doing great in fulfilling the redemption of OPDO`s failure by atoning himself from the deliberate crimes he has been doing in the last 26 years. For the record, he left a position, an obscure and powerless one in Ethiopian not membership of the House nor Central Committee of OPDO.
  2. The current civil resistance is a serious existential threat to the regime. It couldn’t be quenched no matter how heavy-handed the state brutality is or how much deaf the ears of international communities on the matter are, especially the USA and UK governments. OPDO has recruited tech-savvy and rhetoric masters as its new leaders. These leaders at times go beyond limit and claim to be leaders of the ongoing resistance. They use languages which convey huge meaning in the Qeerroo`s psyche and hence tell the youth that they are not alone. Who are these people? Who elected them to the office? Did they answer the call from Qubee Generation? Or they have been and are in the security operatives of the federal government? For what it is worth, They are Abadula`s protégés for technocratization of the party leadership and state system The matter is a public secret. This new leadership coupled with Abadula`s appealing resignation will wrongly buy some trust of the youth and consequently hijacking the current resistance would be made easy. 
  3. Abadula`s resignation is a double-edged sword. He will use his resignation as EPRDF`s metekakat policy to join the comrades on the back bench and still controls the country`s political, economic and security affairs. This will hijack the resistance, dims the cause and annuls the price paid for freedom and liberty so far while it also salvages the lost credibility of EPRDF. 

I am well aware that my arguments could be woefully ignorant and Abadulas resignation might be as sincere as he and his proponents claim. I just found it reasonable that given his long track record of military and public office service filled with wrong choices and bad decisions, his remaining in the parliament with no member of opposition political party and his decision to serve in the OPDO Central Committee didn’t serve the truth he said to be the cause of his resignation. Because the disrespect he didn’t specify was his original sin in the first place. The extrajudicial mass shooting, torture and incarceration, federal police and military deployment to crush the peaceful resistance, absence of nonpartisan neutral investigation into the killings and tortures didn’t start yesterday when OPDO tries hard to revitalize its nonexistent vitality and reclaim its eternally fractured political legitimacy. Rather the disrespect was birthed with OPDOs inception and its ever since perpetual subjugation with Abadula being its author and publisher. 

The day has long passed when a veteran politician whose coalition party (EPRDF) gasping for the last breath on the edge of its political decomposition trying to appeal to us and win the game, same old game again. It is too little and too late to expect us to be moved by the mantra it ranted to insult us. It is a sunset diplomacy. 

Therefore, I argue that Abadula is neither “the man of straw” who is set up by his masters for this questionable transaction nor “the man of the world” who will use his worldly wisdom and political expertise to finally stand by us and craft and embody the slogans of our pens and mouths and moans of our hearts. He is rather just not the exceptional to the legacy of veteran politicians of this regime who are well known for their empty promises in the name of reform and deepen reform when their action actually is metekakat in disguise. If the case of Abadula is exceptional in anyway, it is smarter one.

Dr. Mengistu Assefa is an intern in dental surgery at Mekelle University College of Health Sciences Ayder Comprehensive Specialized Hospital. He can be reached at servezking@gmail.com

ኢትዮጲያ: በግራ መጋባት ወደ እርስ-በእርስ ግጭት!     

አሁን ባለው የኢትዮጲያ ፖለቲካዊ ሁኔታ ላይ ከፍተኛ ግራ-መጋባት ይታየኛል። ግራ መጋባቱ በዋናነት “ሀገሪቱ ወደየት እያመራች ነው?” በሚለው ጥያቄ ላይ የተመሰረተ ነው። ይህ ግራ መጋባት ታዲያ በአንዱ ወይም በሌላኛው ወገን ላይ ሳይሆን በሁሉም ወገኖች ላይ የሚስተዋል ነው። የገዢው ፓርቲ ኢህአዴግ ከፍተኛ አመራሮች እና ደጋፊዎች፣ በብሔርተኝነት እና በአንድነት ጎራ በተሰለፉት ተቃዋሚ የፖለቲካ መሪዎችና ደጋፊዎች ላይ በግልፅ ይስተዋላል። በዚህ ፅሁፍ ከሦስቱም ጎራዎች አንዳንድ ምሳሌዎች በመጥቀስ ግራ መጋባቱን ለማሳየት እንሞክራለን። ከዚያ በቀጠል ደግሞ “ሀገራችን ወደየት እያመራች ነው?” የሚለውን ጥያቄ ከሌሎች ሀገራት ታሪክና ፖለቲካዊ ክስተት ጋር በማያያዝ ምላሽ ለመስጠት እንሞክራለን። 

የመጀመሪያው ግራ መጋባት የህወሓት/ኢህአዴግ መስራች እና ከፍተኛ አመራር የሆኑት አቶ አባይ ፀሐዬ በኢትዮጲያ ፌደራሊዝም ስርዓትን አስመልክቶ የሰጡት አስተያየት ነው። እንደ እሳቸው አገላለፅ፣ በዩጎዝላቪያ (Yugoslavia) የነበረው የፌደራሊዝም ስርዓት የወደቀው በአንድ ብሔር (the Serbs) የበላይነት ላይ የተመሰረተና ሌሎችን ብሔሮች ያገለለ በመሆኑ ነው። ከዚህ በተጨማሪ፣ የሶቭዬት ፌዴሬሽን (Soviet federation) የተበታተነው ደግሞ በስርዓቱ ጨቋኝነት እና በዴሞክራሲ እጦት እንደሆነ ገልፀዋል። 

“አዎ…የህወሓት/ትግራይ የበላይነት አለ’ በሚል ርዕስ ባወጣሁት ፅሁፍ በዝርዝር ለማብራራት እንደሞከርኩት አሁን ባለው ፖለቲካዊ ስርዓት ላይ የህወሓት/ትግራይ የበላይነት በግልፅ የሚታይ ሃቅ ነው። በሌላ በኩል፣ የኢህአዴግ መንግስት በተለያዩ የሀገሪቱ አከባቢዎች ከሕዝብ ለሚነሱ የነፃነት፥ እኩልነትና ፍትሃዊ ተጠቃሚነት ጥያቄዎች ተገቢውን ምላሽ ከመስጠት ይልቅ በኃይል ለማፈን ጥረት እያደረገ ነው። በዚህ ምክንያት፣ የኢህአዴግ መንግስት ከቀን ወደ ቀን ይበልጥ ጨቋኝና አምባገነን እየሆነ መጥቷል። ነገር ግን፣ የመንግስታዊ ስርዓቱ መስራችና ከፍተኛ አመራር የሆኑት አቶ አባይ ፀሐዬ “ዩጎዝላቪያና ሶቬት ሕብረት የፈረሱት አሁን የኢህአዴግ መንግስት እየፈፀመ ያለውን ስህተት በመፈፀማቸው ነው” ማለታቸው በኢህአዴግ ውስጥ ያለውን ግራ መጋባት ያሳያል። 

ከላይ በተጠቀሰው የአቶ አባይ ፀሐዬ አስተያየት ግራ የተጋባው አንድ የኦሮሞ ብሔርተኛ ወዳጄ “ይሄ ነገር ‘ኣላዋቂነት’ ወይስ ‘ንቀት’ ነው?” በማለት ጠየቀኝ። በእርግጥ እንደ አባይ ፀሐዬ ያሉ አንጋፋ ፖለቲከኞች “አላዋቂ ናቸው” እንዳይባል ሀገሪቱ የምትመራበትን ፖለቲካዊ ስርዓት መዘርጋት የቻሉ ናቸው። አይ…ነገረ ስራቸው ሁሉ “ንቀት ነው” እንዳይባል ደግሞ በንቀት ራሳቸውን ለውድቀት አይዳርጉም። ምክንያቱም፣ የዩጎዝላቪያና ሶቬት ህብረት የወደቁበትን መሰረታዊ ምክንያት እያወሱ ተመሳሳይ ስህተት ይፈፅማሉ ብሎ ማሰብ ይከብዳል። 

ሦስተኛውን ግራ መጋባት የታዘብኩት ደግሞ የአንድነት አቀንቃኝ በሆነው ወዳጄ ላይ ነው። ከዚህ ጓደኛዬ ጋር ከረጅም አመታት በኋላ ታክሲ ውስጥ ተገናኘንና እንዲህ ሲል ጠየቀኝ፡- “የኢህአዴግ መንግስት አሁን ካለንበት የፖለቲካ ቀውስ ላይ ያደረሰን አውቆና አቅዶ ነው ወይስ ሳያውቅ በስህተት ነው?” በእርግጥ አውቆና አቅዶ ሀገሪቱን አሁን ካለችበት ደረጃ ላይ ማድረስ በጣም ከፍተኛ የሆነ የፖለቲካ ዕዉቀት ይጠይቃል። ነገር ግን፣ ሀገርና ሕዝብን ለፖለቲካ ቀውስና ውድቀት የሚዳርግ አሻጥር ክፋት እንጂ ዕውቀት ሊባል አይችልም። በሌላ በኩል ደግሞ “ሳያውቁ በስህተት የፈፀሙት ነው” እንዳይባል ደግሞ ስህተታቸውን የነገሯቸውን የተቃዋሚ ፖለቲካ መሪዎች፣ ጋዜጠኞች፣ ጦማሪያን፣ የመብት ተሟጋቾች፣ …ወዘተ ለእስርና ስደት ዳርገዋቸዋል። 

በግራ መጋባት ወደ እርስ-በእርስ ዕልቂት!

በአጠቃላይ፣ የኢህአዴግ መሪዎች “አያውቁም” እንዳይባል ሀገርና ሕዝብ ይመራሉ፣ “ያውቃሉ” እንዳይባል ደግሞ ራሳቸውን ለውድቀት የሚዳርግ ስህተት ይሰራሉ። በዚህ ምክንያት፣ የእርስ-በእርስ ግጭትና የመበታተን አደጋ ሀገሪቱና ሕዝቡ ላይ ተጋርጧል። ይሄንን ግራ-መጋባት ለመፍታት የኢህአዴግ መንግስት ከፍተኛ አመራሮችን ሃሳብ፣ ተግባራትና ስራዎችን እንደ ማሳያ እያነሱ መከራከር ይቻላል። ይህ ግን ከአንድ መቋጫ ላይ አንደርስም። ስለዚህ፣ ከሃሳብ ይልቅ አመለካከትን፣ ከተግባር ይልቅ መዋቅርን፣ ከሥራ ይልቅ አሰራርን፣… በአጠቃላይ ከፖለቲካዊ ስርዓቱ ይዘት (content) ይልቅ ቅርፁን (form) መመልከት ያስፈልጋል። 

የኢህአዴግ መንግስት መስራቾችና ከፍተኛ አመራሮች፣ እንዲሁም ቀንደኛ ደጋፊዎች ሁሉንም ነገር የሚመለከቱት በብሔር ምንፅር ነው። ድጋፍና ተቃውሞ በብሔር ነው። ሥራቸውን የሚሰሩት በብሔር ነው። ሁሉም ሰው የሚሰራው በብሔር ይመስላቸዋል። ለምሳሌ፣ በኢትዮጲያ የሚገኙ ዩኒቨርሲቲዎች ፕረዜዳንቶች በሙሉ የአከባቢው ብሔር ተወላጆች ናቸው። ለዚህ ምክንያቱ “የአከባቢው ተወላጅ የሆነ ሰው ለአካባቢው ማህብረሰብ ተገቢ የሆነ የማህብረሰብ አገልግሎት ይሰጣል” የሚል ነው። ስለዚህ የአንድ ዩኒቨርሲቲ ፕረዜዳንት በትምህርት የቀሰመው በዓለም-አቀፋዊ እውነታ ላይ የተመሰረተ ዕውቀትና ክህሎት ከተወለደበት ማህብረሰብ ውጪ ፋይዳ-ቢስ ነው። አሁን በሀገራችን ያለው መንግስታዊ ስርዓት ዕውቀትና ክህሎትን ሳይቀር የሚመለከተው ከብሔር አንፃር ነው። 

የኢህአዴግ መንግስት ከፍተኛ አመራሮችና ደጋፊዎች ሃሳብና አመለካከታቸው ሙሉ በሙሉ በብሔር ላይ የተመሰረተ ነው። እ.አ.አ. ከ1945 – 1980 ዓ.ም ዩጎዝላቪያን የመሩት “Tito” (Josip Broz) ለረጅም አመታት የሀገሪቱን የመሩት በሀገራዊ አንድነትና የወደፊት አብሮነት መርህ ነበር። የቀድሞ ጠ/ሚኒስትር መለስ ዜናዊን ጨምሮ አብዛኞቹ የህወሓት/ኢህአዴግ አመራሮች ሀገሪቷን እየመሩ ያሉት በብሔርተኝነትና የታሪክ ቁርሾን በመቆስቆስ ነው። ለምሳሌ፣ “Tito” በዩጎዝላቪያ ”Serbs” እና “Croats” ሕዝቦች መካከል በቀድሞ ዘመን በተካሄደው የእርስ-በእርስ ጦርነት አማካኝነት የተፈጠረውን ቂምና ጥላቻ በማስወገድ የእርቅ መንፈስ ለማስፈን ከፍተኛ ጥረት አድርገዋል። 

በተቃራኒው፣ የኢህአዴግ መንግስት ላለፈው ሩብ ክ/ዘመን በተለይ በአማራና ኦሮሞ ሕዝቦች መካከል ያለውን የታሪክ ልዩነትና ቁርሾ በመቆስቆስ ቂምና ጥላቻ ለማስፋፋት ጥረት አድርጓል። ቀደም ሲል ለመግለፅ እንደተሞከረው፣ የምሁራን ዕውቀትና አገልግሎት በብሔርና ቋንቋ የሚከፋፍል የፖለቲካ ቡድን ለስርዓቱ ስጋት የሆነ የብሔሮች ጥምረት ሲፈጠር የእርስ-በእርስ ግጭት እንደሚፈጥር ምንም ጥርጥር የለውም፡፡ እንዲህ ያለ መንግስት አምሳያው ያለው ምስራቅ አውሮፓ ሳይሆን ደቡብ አፍሪካ ነው። 

የሰቆቃ ልጆች እና የብሔር አፓርታይድ በሚሉ ተከታታይ ፅሁፎች በዝርዝር ለመግለፅ እንደሞከርኩት አሁን በሀገራችን ያለው መንግስታዊ ስርዓት እ.አ.አ. ከ1948 – 1994 ዓ.ም ድረስ በደቡብ አፍሪካ ከነበረው የአፓርታይድ ስርዓት ጋር ከአመሰራረቱ እስከ ውድቀቱ ድረስ ፍፁም ተመሳሳይ ነው። ብዙዎች በደቡብ አፍሪካ የነበረው የአፓርታይድ ስርዓት በዘር ላይ የተመሰረተ እንደሆነ ያስባሉ። ነገር ግን፣ ለአፓርታይድ ስርዓት መመስረት ዋና ምክንያቱ ዘረኝነት አይደለም። የአፓርታይድ መነሻ ምክንያቱ እ.አ.አ. ከ1899 – 1902 ዓ.ም በደቡብ አፍሪካ ነጭ ሰፋሪዎች እና በእንግሊዞች መካከል የተካሄደው ¨The Second Boers War” ነው። ይህ ጦርነት በነጮች መካከል የተካሄደ ጦርነት እንጂ በጥቁሮችና ነጮች መካከል የተካሄደ አልነበረም። 

የአፓርታይድ ስርዓት የደቡብ አፍሪካን ሕዝብ በዘር ሀረግና በቆዳ ቀለም ነጮች፥ ጥቁሮች፥ ሕንዶችና ቅይጦች (colored) በማለት ለአራት ይከፍላቸዋል። ሆኖም ግን፣ የፀረ-አፓርታይድ ትግሉ ሲካሄድ የነበረው በዋናነት በጥቁሮችና በነጮች መካከል ነው። የአፓርታይድ ስርዓት መሰረታዊ ዓላማ ከሀገሪቱ ሕዝብ ውስጥ አነስተኛ ቁጥር ያላቸው ነጮችን የፖለቲካ የበላይነት ማረጋገጥ ነው። ለዚህ ደግሞ በሀገሪቱ 70% የሚሆኑትን ጥቁሮች በጎሳና ብሔር መከፋፈል አለበት። 

በዚህ መሰረት፣ የአፓርታይድ ስርዓት የደቡብ አፍሪካ ጥቁር ሕዝብን በጎሳና ብሔር ለአስር ክልሎች ከፋፍሏቸዋል። እያንዳንዱ ክልል ራሱን በራሱ የማስተዳደር ስልጣን አለው። ነገር ግን፣ የአንዱ ክልል ነዋሪ በሌላኛው ክልል ጉዳይ ጣልቃ እንዳይገቡ በሕግ የተከለከለ ነበር። ይህ የደቡብ አፍሪካ ጥቁሮች በሀገራዊ ጉዳይ ላይ የጋራ አጀንዳና የተቀናጀ እንቅስቃሴ እንዳይኖራቸው የታለመ ነው። 

የአፓርታይድ ስርዓት የአነስተኛ ብሔርን የስልጣን የበላይነት ለማረጋገጥ አብላጫ ድምፅ ያላቸውን ሕዝቦች በጎሳና ብሔር በመከፋፈል ላይ የተመሰረተ ስርዓት ነው። አሁን በኢትዮጲያ ያለው ፖለቲካዊ ስርዓት በደቡብ አፍሪካ ከነበረው ጋር ፍፁም ተመሳሳይ ነው። የህወሓት/ትግራይ የበላይነትን ለማስቀጠል በሀገሪቱ አብላጫ ድምፅ ያላቸውን በተለይ የአማራና ኦሮሞ ሕዝቦች በመለያየት ላይ የተመሰረተ ነው። 

ከዚህ በተጨማሪ፣ እ.አ.አ. ከ1984 ዓ.ም ጀምሮ የደቡብ አፍሪካ ጥቁሮች በመካከላቸው ያለውን ልዩነት ወደጎን በመተው የመብትና ነፃነት ጥያቄያቸውን በጋራ መጠየቅ ሲጀምሩ የአፓርታይድ መንግስት የወሰደው እርምጃ አሁን በሀገራችን ለሚስተዋለው የፖለቲካ ቀውስና አለመረጋጋት መንስዔን፣ እንዲሁም በሁለቱ ስርዓቶች መካከል ያለውን ተመሳሳይነት በግልፅ ይጠቁማል። 

እ.አ.አ. በ1984 ዓ.ም በደቡብ አፍሪካ ከፍተኛ አመፅና ተቃውሞ ተቀሰቀሰ። ልክ ከ2008 ዓ.ም ጀምሮ በተለያዩ የሀገራችን አከባቢዎች እንደታየው እ.አ.አ. በ1984 ዓ.ም በደቡብ አፍሪካ አመፅና ተቃውሞ ተቀስቅሶ ነበር። በሁለቱም አጋጣሚዎች የመንግስት እርምጃ አንድና ተመሳሳይ ነበር። የሕዝቡን የመብትና ነፃነት ጥያቄ በኃይል ለማዳፈን ያለማቋረጥ ጥረት ተደርጓል። በዚህ ምክንያት፣ የሕዝቡ ተቃውሞ ወደ ሁከትና ብጥብጥ እያመራ ሄደ። 

ይህን ተከትሎ በደቡብ አፍሪካ የአፓርታይድ መሪ የነበሩት “Pieter Willem Botha” ልክ እንደ ጠ/ሚ ኃይለማሪያም ደሳለኝ ጥልቅ ተሃድሶ በማድረግ ለሕዝቡ ጥያቄ ምላሽ ለመስጠት ጥረት እንደሚያደርጉ በተደጋጋሚ ቃል ገቡ። የጠ/ሚ ኃይለማሪያም ንግግር ለሁላችንም የቅርብ ግዜ ትዝታ ስለሆነ እዚህ መድገም አያስፈልግም። የአፓርታይዱ መሪ ንግግርና የተሃድሶ እንቅስቃሴ ግን “Stephen Ellis” የተባለው የዘርፉ ምሁር ባቀረበው በጥናታዊ ፅሁፍ እንዲህ ገልፆታል፡- 

“…in a series of speeches, Botha seemed to try to direct the country into reformist paths and away from the racial “Apartheid”…. What is certain is that his idea of ‘healthy power sharing’ meant he would cling to ‘group rights’ as a means of maintaining White control, which he claimed was still in the best interests of South Africa….A changing and increasingly volatile South African society led to the civil insurrection of 1984 and its repercussions around the country. Botha’s response was the repression of activists and liberation movements under a state of emergency. The reform policy stagnated.…” The Historical Significance of South Africa’s Third Force, Journal of Southern African Studies, Vol. 24, No.2. (Jun., 1998), pp. 261-299. 

ይሁን እንጂ የሁለቱም ሀገራት መንግስታት ስር ነቀል ተሃድሶ ማምጣት ተሳናቸው። ከዚያ ይልቅ፣ የሕዝቡን የመብትና ነፃነት ጥያቄ በኃይል ለማፈን ጥረት ማድረግ ቀጠሉ። ሆኖም ግን፣ የሁለቱም መንግስታት እርምጃ የሕዝቡን ቁጣና ተቃውሞን ይበልጥ እንዲባባስ አደረገው። በዚህ ምክንያት፣ እ.አ.አ. በ1986 በደቡብ አፍሪካ፣ ባለፈው የ2009 ዓ.ም ደግሞ በኢትዮጲያ የአስቸኳይ ግዜ አዋጅ ታወጀ። 

በሌላ በኩል የአፓርታይድ ስርዓት የመከላከያና ድህንነት ኃላፊዎች በሕቡዕ ሦስተኛው ኃይል (The third Force) የተባለ ፀረ-አብዮታዊ ቡድን አቋቋሙ። ይህ ከክልል ሚሊሺያዎችና ልዩ ፖሊስ ኃይል የተወጣጣው ቡድን እንደ ዝምባብዌና ሞዛምቢክ ባሉ ጎረቤት ሀገራት የነበረውን የአማፂያን እንቅስቃሴ እንዲያውኩ የተቋቋሙ ነበሩ። የአሰቸኳይ ግዜው ከታወጀ በኋላ ግን በደቡብ አፍሪካ ጦር ወታደራዊ ስልጠና እና ትጥቅ ተሰጥቷቸው የፀረ-አፓርታይድ ትግሉን በማጨናገፍ ተግባር እንዲሰማሩ ተደረገ። የአፓርታይድ ስርዓት በተለይ በደቡብ አፍሪካ “KwaZulu Natal” በሚባለው ክልል የታየውና ዛሬ በሶማሊ ክልል እየታየ ያለው ፍፁም ተመሳሳይ ነው።  

“In April 1986, the State Security Council had endorsed guidelines for a strategy for counter-revolutionary war which, among other things, emphasised that the forces of revolution should not be combatted by the security forces alone, but also by ‘anti-revolutionary groups such as Inkatha … as well as the ethnic factor in South African society’. In the following months, specifically ethnic organisations were armed and trained in KwaZulu and Ciskei, while anti-ANC groups in other places were encouraged and armed in the form of kitskonstabels or special policemen and vigilantes….  In effect, military units, which had carried out the destabilisation of neighbouring countries, were now implementing similar strategies at home, on the instructions of the State President, the State Security Council and the head of the [South Africa Defense Force]”  

Journal of Southern African Studies, Vol. 24, No.2. (Jun., 1998), pp. 261-299

በአጠቃላይ፣ በተለያዩ የደቡብ አፍሪካ ጎሳዎችና ብሔሮች መካከል የእርስ-በእርስ ግጭት ለመፍጠር የተደረገው ጥረት ዛሬ በአንዳንድ የአማራ፣ ኦሮሚያ፣ ሶማሊና ደቡብ ክልሎች እየታየ ካለው ጋር ተመሳሳይ ነው። ስለዚህ፣ የደቡብ አፍሪካ አፓርታይድ ስርዓት በተለያዩ ብሔሮች መካከል የአርስ-በእርስ ግጭት በመፍጠር የነጮች የበላይነትን ለማስቀጠል ካደረገው ጥረትና ካስከተለው ውጤት በመነሳት ሀገራችን ኢትዮጲያ ወደየት እየሄደች እንደሆነ መገመት ይቻላል። 

በደቡብ አፍሪካ በተለይ እ.አ.አ. ከ1986 ዓ.ም ጀምሮ በተለያዩ የጥቁር ጎሳዎችና ብሔሮች መካከል የእርስ በእርስ ግጭት ለመፍጠር በሕቡዕ የተሰራው ስራ እ.አ.አ. ከ1990 – 1994 ዓ.ም ባሉት አራት አመታት ውስጥ ፍሬ አፈራ። በእርግጥ ከመርዛማ ዛፍ መልካም ፍሬ አይጠበቅም። በእነዚህ አራት አመታት ውስጥ ብቻ በተነሳ ሁከትና ብጥብጥ 14,000 ደቡብ አፍሪካዊያን ሕይወታቸውን አጥተዋል።  እ.አ.አ. ከ1948 ዓ.ም የአፓርታይድ ስርዓትን ለመጣል በተደረገው ትግል ከተገደሉት ሰዎች ከ1990 – 1994 ዓ.ም ባሉት አራት አመታት ውስጥ ብቻ የተገደሉት ይበልጣል። ሀገራችን ወደየት እያመራች እንደሆነ ለማወቅ ለሚሻ ከዚህ በላይ ጠቋሚ ማስረጃ አይገኝም። አዎ…ኢትዮጲያ ወደ እርስ-በእርስ ግጭትና ዕልቂት እያመራች ነው!    

“​የታፈነ ህዝብ ያምፃል!” 

የአስቸኳይ ግዜ አዋጁ መነሳቱን አስመልክቶ ከህብር ራድዮ አዘጋጅ ሀብታሙ አሰፋ ጋር ያደረኩትን ቃለ-ምልልስ ቀጥሎ ያለውን ማያያዣ በመጫን ማዳመጥ ትችላላችሁ፡፡ “​የታፈነ ህዝብ ያምፃል

መምህርና ጦማሪ ስዩም ተሾመ

የኢህአዴግ መንግስት ጨካኝ ወይስ ጨቋኝ?

“የእንካ ግን አትንካ ፖለቲካ” በሚለው ፅሁፍ የኢህአዴግ መንግስት ጋዜጠኞችን፥ ጦማሪያን፣ ፀኃፊዎችን፣ የመብት ተሟጋቾችንና ተቃዋሚ የፖለቲካ መሪዎችን በፀረ-ሽብርተኝነት አዋጁ አማካኝነት ለእስራትና ስደት እንደሚዳርጋቸው ተመልክተናል። በተመሳሳይ፣ በሰላማዊ ሰልፍ ተቃውሞና አቤቱታቸውን ለመግለፅ አደባባይ በወጡ ዜጎች ላይ ያልተመጣጠነ የኃይል እርምጃ በመውሰድ ብዙዎችን ለሞት፣ የአካል ጉዳትና እስራት ዳርጓል። ነገር ግን፣ የኢህአዴግ መንግስት በፖለቲካው ውስጥ ንቁ ተሳትፎ የሚያደርጉ ዜጎችን ለሞት፥ እስራትና ስደት የሚዳርግበት መሰረታዊ ምክንያት ምንድነው? በተለይ ደግሞ ለአመፅና ተቃውሞ በወጡ ዜጎች ከመጠን ያለፈ የኃይል እርምጃ የሚወስደው ጨካኝ ወይስ ጨቋኝ ስለሆነ ነው? በመሰረቱ፣ አንድን መንግስት ጨካኝ ወይም ጨቋኝ ብሎ ለመፈረጅ በቅድሚያ የመንግስታዊ ስርዓቱን መሰረታዊ ባህሪ ማወቅ ያስፈልጋል።

የዴሞክራሲያዊ መንግስት ተግባራዊ አንቅስቃሴ የሚመራው በእኩልነት መርህ ነው። የአምባገነን መንግስት ሥራና ተግባር የሚመራው ደግሞ በፍርሃት ነው። አምባገነኖች ሀገርና ሕዝብ የሚመሩት በፍርሃትና በማስፈራራት ነው። በመሆኑም አምባገነን መሪዎች ያለ ፍርሃት ሀገርና ሕዝብን ማስተዳደር አይችሉም። “ለምን?” የሚለውን ጥያቄ ለመመለስ በቅድሚያ ስለ መንግስት አፈጣጠርና ዓላማ የተወሰኑ ነጥቦችን እንመለክት።

በተወሰነ አከባቢ የሚኖሩ ሰዎች (ሕዝቦች) የራሳቸውን መንግስት የሚመሰርቱበት መሰረታዊ ምክንያት ማህበራዊ እና ኢኮኖሚያዊ እንቅስቃሴያቸው በሕግና ስርዓት እንዲመራ ለማድረግ፣ በዚህም የሁሉም ዜጎች መብት፥ ነፃነትና ተጠቃሚነት የተረጋገጠበት የጋርዮሽ ስርዓት እንዲኖር ለማስቻል ነው። በዚህ መሰረት፣ የመንግስት ድርሻና ኃላፊነት የሁሉንም ዜጎች መብት፥ ነፃነትና ተጠቃሚነት ለማክበርና ማስከበር የሚያስችል አስተዳደራዊ ስርዓት መዘርጋት ነው። ለዚህ ደግሞ አስፈላጊ የሆኑ አዋጆችን፥ ደንቦችንና መመሪያዎችን ማዘጋጀት፣ የሁሉንም ዜጎች መብትና ተጠቃሚነት ለማረጋገጥ የሚያስችል ስራና አሰራር መዘርጋት፣ የአፈፃፀም ሂደቱን መከታተልና ማሻሻል አለበት።

ከላይ በተጠቀሰው መሰረት፣ የአንድ መንግስት መሰረታዊ ዓላማ የሁሉም ዜጎች መብት፥ ነፃነትና ተጠቃሚነት የተረጋገጠበት ፖለቲካዊ ስርዓት መዘርጋት ነው። ስለዚህ፣ የመንግስት ስራና አሰራር በእኩልነት መርህ ላይ የተመሰረተ መሆን አለበት። ከዚህ አንፃር፣ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ስርዓት ከመንግስት መሰረታዊ ዓላማ ጋር በቀጥታ የተቆራኘ ስለመሆኑ መገንዘብ ይቻላል። ከዴሞክራሲያዊ ስርዓት በተለየ አምባገነናዊ ስርዓት የተወሰነ የሕብረተሰብ ክፍልን የበላይነትና ተጠቃሚነት በማረጋገጥ ላይ የተመሰረተ ነው። በመሆኑም፣ የአምባገነናዊ መንግስት ከእኩልነት ይልቅ በፍርሃት የሚመራው ነው።

የአምባገነን መንግስት ስራና አሰራር የተወሰነ የሕብረተሰብ ክፍልን መብትና ነፃነት የሚያረጋግጥና የተሻለ ጥቅምና ተጠቃሚነት እንዲኖረው የሚያስችል ነው። ይሁን እንጂ፣ እያንዳንዱ ሰው በተፈጥሮ ከሌሎች ሰዎች እኩል የመሆን፥ በእኩል አይን የመታየት ፍላጎት አለው። ስለዚህ፣ የተወሰኑ ሰዎችን፥ ቡድኖችን ወይም ማህብረሰብን ከሌሎች የበለጠ ወይም ያነሰ ተጠቃሚ የሚያደርግ ፖለቲካዊ ስርዓት ከሰው ልጅ ተፈጥሯዊ ባህሪ ጋር ይቃረናል። ስለዚህ፣ ዜጎች የአንድን ወገን የበላይነትና ተጠቃሚነት በማረጋገጥ ላይ ከተመሰረተው ፖለቲካዊ ስርዓት ጋር መሰረታዊ ቅራኔ አላቸው። በመሆኑም፣ በአምባገነናዊ መንግስት የምትመራ ሀገር ዜጎች በተለያየ ግዜና አጋጣሚ ለአመፅና ተቃውሞ አደባባይ ይወጣሉ።

ሕዝባዊ አመፅና ተቃውሞ የሚቀሰቀሰው “ከሌሎች “እኩል” መብትና ነፃነታችን ይከበር፣ ፍትሃዊ የሀብት ክፍፍል ይኑር” በሚል እሳቤ ነው። በዚህ መሰረት፣ የአመፅና ተቃውሞ ዓላማ የእኩልነት ጥያቄ ነው። በእኩልነት መርህ ላይ የተመሰረተ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ስርዓት በአመፅና ተቃውሞ ለሚነሳ ጥያቄ ተገቢ ምላሽ ለመስጠት የሚያስችል አቅምና አሰራር ይኖረዋል። የተወሰነ የሕብረተሰብ ክፍልን የበላይነትና ተጠቃሚነት በማረጋገጥ ላይ የተመሰረተ አምባገነናዊ ስርዓት ግን የእኩልነት ጥያቄን ለመቀበልም ሆነ ለማስተናገድ የሚያስችል አቅም አይኖረውም።

በመሰረቱ፣ በአመፅና ተቃውሞ አማካኝነት የሚነሳው የእኩልነት ጥያቄ የአንድ ወገን የበላይነትና ተጠቃሚነትን ለማስቀረት ዓላማ ያደረገ ነው። ነገር ግን፣ በአምባገነናዊ ስርዓት ውስጥ በዚህ መልኩ የሚነሳ የእኩልነት ጥያቄን ማስቀረትም ሆነ ማስተናገድ አይቻልም። የእኩልነት ጥያቄ ከሰው ልጅ ተፈጥሯዊ ባህሪ ጋር የተቆራኘ እንደመሆኑ ሕዝባዊ አመፅና ተቃውሞን ማስቀረት አይቻልም። በተመሣሣይ፣ የአምባገነናዊ መንግስት መሰረታዊ ዓላማ የአንድን ወገን የበላይነትና ተጠቃሚነት ማረጋገጥ እንደመሆኑ የእኩልነት ጥያቄን ተቀብሎ ማስተናገድ አይችልም። ስለዚህ፣ ሕዝባዊ አመፅና ተቃውሞ በሰው ልጅ እና የአምባገነናዊ መንግስት ተፈጥሯዊ ወይም መሰረታዊ ባህራያት መካከል የተፈጠረ ግጭት ማለት ነው።

በአመፅና ተቃውሞ አማካኝነት በሚፈጠረው ግጭት ከዜጎች እና ከአምባገነን መንግስት አንዱ ወገን ተፈጥሯዊ ባህሪውን ያጣል። ተፈጥሯዊ ባህሪውን ያጣ ማንኛውም ነገር ሕልውናው ያከትማል። ስለዚህ፣ በአመፅና ተቃውሞ ምክንያት ወይ ዜጎች የሕይወትና አካል ጉዳት ይደርስባቸዋል፣ ወይም አምባገነኑ መንግስት በግድ ተቀይሮ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ይሆናል ወይም ይወድቃል። በዚህ መሰረት፣ ለአመፅና ተቃውሞ አደባባይ በወጡ ዜጎች እና በአምባገነን መንግስት መካከል የሚፈጠረው ግጭት ሕልውናን በማረጋገጥ ወይም በማጣት ውጥረት ውስጥ የሚካሄድ ነው።

ከላይ በተገለፀው መሰረት፣ አምባገነን መንግስት ለአመፅና ተቃውሞ አደባባይ በወጡ ዜጎች ላይ ከመጠን ያለፈ የኃይል እርምጃ በመውሰድ በሰላማዊ ዜጎች ሕይወት፥ አካልና ንብረት ላይ ከፍተኛ ጉዳት ያደርሳል። ለዚህ ደግሞ ሁለት መሰረታዊ ምክንያቶች አሉ። አንደኛ፡- የእኩልነት ጥያቄ ለአምባገነናዊ ስርዓት የሕልውና አደጋ እንደመሆኑ ሕዝባዊ አመፅና ተቃውሞን በጣም ይፈራል። ሁለተኛ፡- ያልተመጣጠነ የኃይል እርምጃ በመውሰድ ከፍተኛ ፍርሃትና ሽብር መፍጠር በሌላ ግዜና ቦታ ተመሳሳይ አመፅና ተቃውሞ እንዳይቀሰቀስ ያደርጋል። በአጠቃላይ፣ የእኩልነት ጥያቄ በሚያነሱ የሕብረሰብ ክፍሎች ላይ ከመጠን ያለፈ የኃይል እርምጃ የሚወስደው በፍርሃትና ለማስፈራራት ነው። ለምሳሌ ባለፈው አመት በአዲስ አበባ ከተማ የተካሄደው የተቃውሞ ሰልፍና በመንግስት የተወሰደው እርምጃ እንደማሳያ ሊጠቀስ ይችላል፦

በአደስ አበባ ከተማ መስቀል አደባባይ የተቃሄደው ሰላማዊ ሰልፍና በኢህአዴግ መንግስት የተወሰደው ከመጠን ያለፈ የሃይል እርምጃ

ለአመፅና ተቃውሞ አደባባይ በወጡ ዜጎች ላይ ከመጠን ያለፈ የኃይል እርምጃ በመውሰድ በዜጎች ሕይወት፥ አካልና ንብረት ላይ ከፍጠኛ ጉዳት የሚደርሰው የኢህአዴግ መንግስት በራሱ ስለሚፈራና ሕዝብን መስፈራራት ስለሚሻ ነው። ይህ የሆነበት መሰረታዊ ምክንያት ደግሞ መንግስታዊ ስርዓቱ የተወሰነ የሕብረተሰብ ክፍልን የበላይነትና ተጠቃሚነት በማረጋገጥ ላይ የተመሰረተ በመሆኑ ነው። ስለዚህ፣ የኢህአዴግ መንግስት በዜጎች ላይ የጭካኔ እርምጃ የሚወስደው ጨቋኝ ስርዓት በመሆኑ ነው።

የሦስት ምርጫዎች ወግ: 100% ያደነቁራል!

(ይህ ፅሁፍ በ2007 ዓ.ም የተካሄደውን ሀገራዊ ምርጫ ገዢው ፓርቲ ኢህአዴግ 100% አሸንፌያለሁ ማለቱን አስመልክቶ በፌስቡክ ገፄ ላይ ያወጣሁት ነው፡፡ ፅሁፉን ደግሜ ሳነበው የሀገራች ፖለቲካ አሁን ከገባበት “አዙሪት” ውስጥ እንዳይገባ ቅድመ ማስጠንቀቂያ የሰጠሁበት መስሎ ተሰማኝ፡፡ እስኪ እናንተም አንብቡና ሃሳባችሁን ስጡበት፡፡)

አብዛኞቻችን (አንዳንድ የኢህአዴግ ደጋፊዎችን ጨምሮ) ተቃዋሚ ፓርቲዎች ፓርላማ እንዲገቡ የምንፈልገው ለምንድነው? “በተወካዮች ምክር ቤት ከፍተኛ ድምፅ ኖሯቸው አዲስ ህግ እንዲያረቁ ነው?”…አይደለም! መንግስት ከፈለገ ማታ ህግ አርቅቆ ጠዋት በፓርላማ ሊያፀድቅ እንደሚችል በስዬ አብረሃ ህግ አሳይቶናል (በከፍተኛ የሙስና ወንጀል የተከሰሱ ግለሰቦችን የዋስትና መብት እንዳይኖራቸው የሚያትተው የህግ አንቀፅ በፓርላማ የፀደቀበት…)

…”መንግስት በሚያቀርባቸው የዉሳኔ ሃሳቦች ላይ ድጋፍ በመንፈግ ውድቅ እንዲያደርጉ ነው?” አይደለም! ልክ የምክር ቤቱ አፈ-ጉባኤ “ለረቂቅ ሰነዱ ድጋፍ…” ሲሉ ከእንቅልፋቸው የሚነቁና በደመ-ነፍስ እጃቸውን የሚያወጡ የምክር ቤት አባላት ባሉበት በተቃዋሚዎች ጩኸት የሚለወጥ የውሳኔ ሃሳብ ሊኖር አይችልም።

“የህግ አስፈፃሚውና ተርጓሚውን ተግባር እንዲቆጣጠሩልን ነው?”…አይደለም! የትኛው ሚኒስትር፣ የትኛው ዳኛ፣ የትኛው ፖሊስ…ኧረ የቱ የመንግስት መስሪያ ቤት ነው የህዝብ ተወካዮችን ከቁብ ቆጥሮ ሥራና አሰራሩን ያሻሽለው? እስኪ አፈ-ጉባኤ አባ-ዱላ ገመዳ “በከፍተኛ የትምህርት ተቋማት ውስጥ የተንሰራፋው ቅጥ-ያጣ ሙስና በአስቸኳይ እንዲወገድ” ጥብቅ ማሳሰቢያ ሲሰጡ ትንሽ ደንገጥ ያለ የዩንቨርሲቲ ፕሬዘዳንት አጋጥሟችሁ ያውቃል? የፍርድ ቤት ዳኛ ሆነ ፖሊስ የሚታዘዙት፣ የሚፈሩት… በህገ-መንግስቱ የበላይ አካል የሆኑትን የህዝብ ተወካዮች ነው ወይስ ለአንድ የኢህአዴግ ካድሬ?

“የተቃዋሚ ፓርቲ አባላት ፓርላማ እንዲገቡ አጥብቀን የምንሻው በሕገ-መንግስቱ የተጣለባቸውን ሃላፊነት በአግባቡ ይወጣሉ በማለት ነው?” አይደለም! ከዚያ ይልቅ፣ የመንግስትን ስህተትና ትክክለኝነት የሚያሳዩ “መስታዎት” ሆነው ስለሚያገለግሉ ነው።

እንደ ሀገር የህዝቡን ሃሳብ፣ ብሶትና ጥያቄ የሚስተናገዱበት ነፃ የሆነ ሚድያ የለንም፣ በቅጡ የተደራጁ የሙያና ሲቪል ማህበራት የሉንም ወይም ደግሞ ገዢው ፓርቲ በራሱ የሃሳብ ልዩነቶችን የማስተናግድ ባህል የለውም፡፡….ለዚህ ተግባር በህግ የተቋቋሙት እንደ የህዝብ እምባ-ጠባቂ፣ የኢትዮጲያ ሰብዓዊ መብት ኮሚሽን፣ የሥነ-ምግባርና ፀረ-ሙስና ኮሚሽን፣… ወዘተ ያሉትም ቢሆኑ የተደራጀ አቅም የላቸውም፡፡ ከዚህ በተጨማሪ፣ ከመንግስት አካላት ተፅዕኖ ነፃ ሆነው አገልግሎታቸውን ለህዝብ አይሰጡም።

በእንዲህ ያለ ሁኔታ የተቃዋሚ ፓርቲ አባላት ትክክለኛውን የህዝብ ስሜት ለመንግስት አካላት የሚያደርሱ ብቸኛ አካላት ናቸው። በተለይ ደግሞ ልክ እንደ አንድ ግለሰብ በስሜት ለሚነዳው የእኛ ሀገር መንግስት ብዙ ሺህ ዶላር ከሚከፈላቸው አማካሪዎች፣ ከምንትስ ዩኒቨርሲቲ በዶላር ማስተርስና ዶክትሬት ድግሪ ከሸመቱ አማካሪዎች በተሻለ ስህተትን የሚጠቁሙ ስለሆኑ ነው። ጋዜጠኞችን ለእስርና ስደት ከዳረገ በኋላ ተቃዋሚዋች በህዝብና መንግስት መካከል ያሉ ብቸኛ ድልድይ ናቸው።

በአጠቃላይ፣ የፌደራል ፖሊስና ደህንነት ፀረ-ሽብር ግብረ-ሃይል፣ የፍርድ ቤት ቀጠሮ እየጠየቀ ወንጀል ከሚፈበርክ አቃቤ-ህግ፣ በሙስና ከሚውጠው በላይ የጎረሰ የፍርድ ቤት ዳኛ፣ …በነፃነት የመኖር፣ የማሰብ እና የመናገር መብትህ በእነሱ ፍቃድ የተገኘ የሚመስላቸው የሰፈር ካድሬዎች፣….በእነዚህ የጨቋኝ ስረዓት ጡንቻዎች ሳይደቆሱ የህዝብን ጥያቄ ለመንግስት የሚያደርሱ ብቸኛ ወኪሎች የተቃዋሚ ፓርቲ አባላት ብቻ ናቸው።

አሁን “ምርጫውን 100% አሸነፍኩ…“ እያለ የሚለፍፈው ኢህአዴግ “ያያት ወንድ ሁሉ በአድናቆት ፈገግታ ታጅቦ ‘ቆንጆ…ውብ ፅጌረዳ’ እያለ ሲያቆለጳጵሳት ከቤቷ ያለውን ብቸኛ የፊት መስታዎት እንደሰበረች ቀበጥባጣ ኮረዳ አይነት ነው። ከተወሰነ ግዜ በኋላ በጠወለገ ውበቷ የለበጣ ሳቅ ሲስቅቧት እሷ ግን በደስታ የምትስቅ፣ ባገጠጠው ፈገግታዋ ሲሳለቁ፣ መልሳ የምታገጥ፣ …. በመጨረሻም ሁሉም ሲሰለቿትና ሲያገሏት አስቀያሚነቷን እንደምትረዳ አይነት ኮረዳ…….

አሁን በ100% የሚያስጨፍረው የምርጫ ውጤት ኢህአዴግ’ ስህተቱን ከውድቀቱ እንዲማር ከማድረግ ሌላ ፋይዳ የለውም።

‘It’s life and death’: how the growth of Addis Ababa has sparked ethnic tensions

By Jason Burke

Addis Ababa had a plan – to expand, and lead newly prosperous Ethiopia into a brave new century. But after protests led to a violent and harrowing state crackdown, what happens next could reverberate across Africa.

Police fire tear gas to disperse protesters during Irreecha, the thanksgiving festival of the Oromo people in Bishoftu town of Oromia region, Ethiopia.

Drive out of Addis Ababa’s new central business district, with its five-star hotels, banks and gleaming office blocks. Head south, along the traffic-choked avenues lined with new apartment blocks, cafes, cheap hotels and, in the neighbourhood where the European Union has its offices, several excellent restaurants. Go past a vast new church, the cement skeletons of several dozen unfinished housing developments, under a new highway and swing left round the vast construction site from which the new terminal for the Ethiopian capital’s main international airport is rising.

Here, the tarmac gives way to cobbles and grit and the city loosens its hold. Goats crop a parched field beside corrugated iron and breezeblock sheds, home to a shifting population of labourers and their families. Children in spotless uniforms neatly avoid fetid open drains as they walk home from school. Long-horned cattle wander. Beyond the airport, the road splits into a series of gravel tracks that quickly become dusty paths across fields, which take you to the village of Weregenu.

There is nothing remotely exceptional about Weregenu. It is just another cluster of flimsy homes like many others around, and within, Addis Ababa. Nor is there much exceptional about the series of demolitions here over recent months. As the Ethiopian capital expands, it needs housing, rubbish dumps, space for factories. All land is theoretically owned by the government, merely leased by tenants, and when the government says go, you have to go. So Weregenu’s thousand or so inhabitants know they are living on borrowed time. All have been warned that the bulldozers will come back.

“The police came with officials a few weeks ago. We had a day’s warning,” says Haile, a 19-year-old former resident. “Old people, children, pregnant women … It didn’t matter who you were or where you came from, your house was smashed to bits.”

Colourful buildings line the Bole Road, Addis Ababa, where the population is expected to boom to about 35 million.

“No one told us why they wanted the land, except it is needed for development. We’ve been living there for years and years. I grew up there. Now we have to find somewhere else, or pay rent – and we can’t afford it.”
All over the developing world, there are people with similar stories. By 2050, according to the UN, over half of Africa’s population will live in cities, a much lower proportion than elsewhere in the world but twice as high as now. Ethiopia is one of the countries where urbanisation is moving fastest, and like elsewhere the process is placing massive strain on established political, economic and social systems. One result, as elsewhere, is violence.

The unrest in Ethiopia started in late 2015 with a small demonstration at a town where locals suspected officials of planning to build on a popular football pitch and a forest reserve. They rapidly intensified, prompting a brutal reaction from security forces. This prompted more protests and, inevitably, more brutality. By early autumn last year, several hundred people were dead and the unrest had become a full-blown political crisis.

Accounts of the violence are harrowing. Security forces have shot into crowds of unarmed schoolchildren, students and farmers. Footage of such incidents shows teenagers bleeding on the ground just metres from officials. Police have gone from house to house hunting suspected protesters, combed universities for activists who are then beaten with rifle butts or worse, and picked up any politicians suspected of dissent. Many detainees simply disappear. There is evidence of extra-judicial executions, while prisoners describe being kept for weeks in solitary confinement in dark cells, subjected to successive interrogations and beatings.

“I had no idea if it was day or night,” one prisoner, a musician held for weeks in prison in Addis Ababa last year, remembers. “I was interrogated for about two weeks, and punched or slapped. Then they tied my wrists together and hung me up by my arms from a hook. They hit my hands with sticks, breaking the bones. I passed out.”

​Protesters run from tear gas launched by security personnel during the Irecha, the thanksgiving festival of the Oromo people.

When he regained consciousness, the 31-year-old was treated for his injuries and then held for a further two months in a “big hall, deep underground” where more than 100 detainees lived on water and bread, using a bucket for a toilet. He later fled overseas, where he spoke to the Guardian.

Many of the protesters were young, so a high proportion of those killed or injured were teenagers. Security forces targeted those who provided assistance or shelter to suspected activists, too. Parents, friends and schoolmates were detained to pressure fugitive children to turn themselves in. Two teenage athletes who defected while in South Africa for a competition last summer described how friends and relatives had subsequently been roughed up and detained. “They have been rounding them up,” one said.

The protests continued throughout last year at a rate of more than one a day. Some factories were burned, a few vehicles torched and occasional stones thrown. The government described the protesters as “armed gangs”. The numbers of dead or injured demonstrators mounted.

“It didn’t matter who you were or where you came from, your house was smashed to bits”
Haile, former resident

The final act came in October at Bishoftu, a city 35km from Addis Ababa, during a vast religious festival. When some among the crowd of hundreds of thousands began to raise slogans against the government, security forces moved in, firing tear gas and, some witnesses claim, live ammunition. In the stampede that followed, at least 100 died, according to western officials who watch Ethiopia. Activists claim the number was many times higher. The news prompted a new wave of protests. A state of emergency was declared, followed by mass arrests.

Ethiopia had long been held up as one of Africa’s star economic performers and an island of stability in an anarchic region. Though recent months have been calmer, the fallout from the unrest of the last two years may still dramatically change the history of one of the continent’s most important countries – and possibly the future of hundreds of millions of people across the entire continent. The questions posed by the crisis here are vital ones. Does the accelerating expansion of cities – from Algiers to Dar es Salaam, from Cairo to Kinshasa – inevitably mean violence? Will urban development heal existing tensions between communities in fragile nations or aggravate them? Could it be economic success, rather than failure, that brings revolution?

‘We are marginalised in everything’
Gataa, an activist, is slim, small, bespectacled and in his mid-40s. He is inconspicuous, sitting and sipping water in northern Addis Ababa while he talks softly of protest, death, detention and violence.

Gataa (not his real name) is an Oromo, the largest single ethnic group within Ethiopia, comprising 35-40% of the population. The Oromo have played the principal role in the recent unrest, suffered the most significant casualties and been arrested in the greatest number.

​The Oromo people have suffered the most at the hands of recent violence and unrest.

The primary grievance outlined by Gataa is that the Oromo have been oppressed for centuries by other ethnic groups in Ethiopia, first the Amhara, which comprise somewhere between 25-30% of the population, and, more recently, the Tigrayans, only 6%. Many Oromo, and others, say the current government is dominated by the Tigrayans, at least behind the scenes, who are also viewed as benefiting disproportionately from recent economic growth. Both charges are contested by officials and nuanced at least by many analysts and historians. But there is no doubt that there is a powerful Oromo identity and a strong sense of grievance.
“We are marginalised in everything,” says Gataa. “All the best jobs, the contracts, the power is with the others. It has always been this way.”

In 2014, municipal authorities in the capital had published a new strategic document outlining the future development of the city. In most places, this would be a mundane exercise attracting little attention. But for Gataa, and millions of others, “the Addis Ababa integrated zone master plan” was far from innocuous. Ethiopia is split into nine regions, each one for a different ethnicity, and two cities that run themselves. Addis Ababa is one of these, and is effectively an enclave within Oromia, the state of the Oromos. The state resembles a belt of territory straddling the country with Addis as the buckle. The “integrated zone” covered in the plan included a 1.1m hectare strip of land around the city, outside the current municipal boundaries. A glance at a map shows how the expansion of the Addis Ababa it described would have neatly bisected Oromia.

“It is a land grab, an eviction, a new invasion,” says Gataa. “This is Oromo land. Already we have been pushed to the outskirts of the city. Now they push us further so they can build and develop and construct. The farmers have to go. They get jobs on the construction sites on the land where they lived. There is no question of compensation, or any benefit. So what do you expect? Land is everything for the Oromo. It is our culture and identity. It is a matter of life and death.”

​A street in Addis Ababa during the 1970s.

If discontent and resentment at the government cuts across all ethnic groups, the Oromo had a powerful narrative to frame their grievances – and to mobilise.
“This was a rallying cry,” says Gataa. Half a dozen activists in the influential Oromo diaspora – from the US to South Africa – echoed his words.

The masterplan of 2014 did not prompt immediate protests however. Officials say this is evidence that unrest was manufactured from overseas, a charge Oromo activists inside and outside Ethiopia deny. Either way, the protests rapidly left the original issue of the masterplan far behind, almost everyone interviewed for this article said. Many recent demonstrations have been in the Amhara region, where there are few Oromo, but similar frustrations.

“The masterplan was a trigger but not the cause,” says Gataa. “It seems calm now but under the surface much is happening. We are gathering our forces now. People are talking, meeting, organising. Now no one – not even the young people – is interested in [economic] growth. Once you have lost faith in the government, everything is dark for you.

“Am I afraid? Yes, but when those in the front line fall, others will take their place.”

That Addis Ababa is in dire need of planning is not in doubt. It was founded in 1886, by the emperor Menelik II, who is widely seen as the architect of modern Ethiopia and whose statue now towers over a busy roundabout in the capital’s scruffy, lively neighbourhood of Arada. In the 1930s, just before Italy’s short-lived occupation of Ethiopia, the British writer Evelyn Waugh described the city as being “in a rudimentary state of construction” with “half-finished buildings at every corner”. Just over 30 years later, the Polish journalist Ryszard Kapuscinsk told his readers of “the wooden scaffoldings scattered” about a city that resembled “a large village of a few hundred thousand, situated on hills amid eucalyptus groves”. The hills are still there, as is the wooden scaffolding, which is more practical in the heat and sun than its steel counterpart. The trees are gone.

“Land is everything for the Oromo. It is our culture and identity. It is a matter of life and death”

The growth of Addis Ababa has been extraordinary. In 1974, when Haile Selassie was deposed in a military coup after 58 years as emperor and regent, its population was estimated to be half a million at most. By 1991, when the brutal “Derg” regime was finally ousted by rebel groups, there may have been double that number, living at around 2,300m in a dusty bowl below the Entoto hills. Today there are somewhere between 3.4 and five million people living in Addis Ababa. Most are without proper sanitation or clean water, many lack steady electricity, there is limited public transport and rubbish collection is grossly inadequate. The World Bank expects the city’s population to double over the next 10 to 15 years.

“This certainly raises some major challenges, as it would for any city,” says a UN official who has worked on urban issues in the city. Some forecast a population of 35 million by the end of the century. So one would imagine that any effort to put in place a strategic plan to manage that expansion would have been welcomed.

Addis Ababa is growing rapidly. Today there are between 3.4m and 5 million people living in the city.

‘A climate of fear’

Aster lost her house in the demolitions of Werengenu village. She is now living, along with her HIV positive mother and her teenage daughter, on the floor of a neighbour’s two-roomed home.

“What do you think we feel? I had a legal lease to this land,” she says, standing in the rubble of her home. “I built my house here long ago. I have friends, neighbours, relatives here. It’s a community. Where do I go know? These officials, they do not care about ordinary people. The government just work for themselves.”

When anyone is prepared to talk, and has checked over their shoulder to see who is listening, this a common charge in Addis Ababa, and partially explains the violence prompted by the 2014 planning document.

Meles Zenawi, who ruled Ethiopia from 1991 until his death in 2012, frequently said he did not believe democracy and development were linked. He pursued a political and economic model that was closer that of China the west. Along with Paul Kagame’s Rwanda, Ethiopia is often cited as the example of how a repressive and centralised government can solve economic challenges in Africa as well as, if not better than, more open but messier democratic systems. Critics argue that such development, if real, is unsustainable in the long run.

Ethiopian officials deny the accusation of authoritarianism. They point out that President Obama described Ethiopia’s government as “democratically elected” on a state visit in 2015, and that the country holds regular elections. Both are true. However Obama qualified his praise and the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) has won every major poll for more than 20 years and currently occupies every seat in the 537-strong parliament. Diplomats in Addis Ababa describe “a climate of fear” and point out that “almost all opposition politicians are in prison or abroad”. Ethiopia is ranked 140th out of 180 countries by press freedom campaigners. Bloggers are a particular target, with many held under anti-terrorism laws.

​Emperor Haile Selassie, who was deposed in a military coup after 58 years in power.

But the authoritarian development model depends on a sufficient number of citizens accepting reduced freedoms in return for a slice of the growing wealth that an efficient, competent and impartial administration delivers. A minority can be repressed, but you can’t fool everyone all the time. And increasingly in Ethiopia, despite the massive growth over recent decades, the government is seen as inefficient, corrupt and unresponsive.

The combination would be a devastating one for governments anywhere. In Ethiopia, it threatens the fundamentals on which the state has been based for decades.

“People will pay a bribe, reluctantly, if that’s what it takes to get services,” says one analyst in Addis Ababa. “They don’t like it but they will do it. But when they have to pay a bribe and still get treated badly, then that’s when they get angry.”

Then there is the inequality. According to the World Bank, the GDP of Ethiopia is $62bn, almost eight times more than in 2001. Tens of millions have been lifted out of poverty, primary school enrolment is approaching 100%, and if there are still millions who depend on aid to eat and an annual threat of hunger in many rural areas, it is almost impossible to envisage the appalling famines of 30 years ago recurring.

But the new wealth generated over recent decades is not being evenly distributed. In 2014 Ethiopia topped a list of African countries creating the most millionaires. “Sales are good, especially of imported champagne,” says the manager of a fine wine shop in an upscale neighbourhood in the south of Addis Ababa. Next door, a dozen luxury cars fill a dealer’s yard. The best-selling vehicle is the Toyota Prado, a vast SUV which costs $200,000. The owner says he sells between five and seven each week. At the same time, poverty levels, even in the capital, remain between 25-30%.

​Poverty levels remain between 25-30% in the capital.

“Once there was nothing here – and people argued then,” says one leading businessman over a $10 sandwich in the Sheraton hotel. “So imagine what it is like now there is a great big pie, and everyone wants a slice.”

Three further elements are fuelling discontent across Ethiopia, the businessman said: the very large number of graduates in the country, a consequence of the vast expansion of the education system since 1991; social media, which has raised expectations among young people in the country to “stratospheric levels”; and ethnicity.

Officials know the problems that face the EPRDF as it completes 25 years in power. The Addis Ababa integrated development plan has been withdrawn, with any new planning based on the city remaining within its current administrative limits. There are frequent official statements expressing concern about corruption. The media – which is largely owned or controlled by the state – is full of stories reporting the huge social programmes, the aid effectively spent, the effort to build a million new homes in Addis Ababa, the billion-dollar coffee crop, and the vast new dams. Some criticism is also tolerated, though only where it poses no threat to the ruling party – in English-language academic journals published by thinktanks closely linked to the ruling party, for example, or English-language news websites with small readership.

At the same time, anyone or anything that is considered a threat is targeted by the full force of the state.

“Ethiopia is facing political, social and economic challenges. The new generation want to be informed and are not patient,” admits Negeri Lencho, the newly appointed minister of communications.

Lencho described last year’s state of emergency as justified and temporary, pointing out that Turkey and France have introduced similar measures in the last 18 months.

​Negeri Lencho, the newly appointed minister of communications who said journalists were in jail because they were ‘unprofessional’.

“When the government faces a group of people who are killing and destroying property, when there is no law and order, then that government has to do something,” he says. “But it is not a big deal. It is gradually coming to a usual situation.”

As for the crackdown on the media, this too is not the fault of the government. The problem, according to Lencho, is that Ethiopian journalists are not “professional” and that is partly why so many of them end up in jail.

“Ethiopia has its own system of government based on a system where media and journalists should give priority to the needs of the people,” the minister says. “The role of Ethiopian journalists comes from the real and actual needs of the Ethiopian people today. Those in prison have not respected fundamental journalistic ethics.”.

Such views are anathema to activists such as Gataa. Like many others, he calls for international intervention, or at least more vocal criticism of Ethiopia from other governments. So too do human rights campaigners overseas.

Yet, as analysts agree, this is unlikely as long as the US sees Ethiopia as a key regional ally. Diplomats in Addis Ababa talk of how advancing human rights will help stability in security in east Africa but the truth is that countering the increasing influence of China in Ethiopia, and fears over rising Islamic militancy in the region, make any significant pressure unlikely. The EU now see Ethiopia as a key actor in the struggle to slow migrant flows across the Mediterranean. There is little appetite in the chancelleries of Europe or Washington to risk chaos in a country of nearly 100 million in such a sensitive part of the world for the sake of a few thousand incarcerated activists and commentators.

“We want to heal Ethiopian democracy and make it vibrant,” Lencho says. Few major powers are likely to challenge the statement in the near future.

​Elevated views of Churchill Avenue and Addis Ababa.

Revolution or evolution?

Analysts in Addis Ababa agree only on two things: they do not want to be quoted by name for fear of attracting the attention of the security services, and that it is very difficult to predict what happens next in Ethiopia.

Some believe the government has won. They say that the promise of reforms, a cabinet reshuffle, the withdrawal of the masterplan, a degree of “protest fatigue”, the repression and the ongoing economic growth together mean that no further unrest can be expected until the next elections, scheduled for 2020 at the earliest. Analysts point out that the political leadership retains the loyalty of the powerful intelligence services, army and federal police and even if there are many malcontents, there are also millions of people, ranging from petty officials and police officers to major business owners, who see their future welfare as dependent on the continued rule of the EPRDF. They point out that recent festival of Epiphany, which some thought might be a flashpoint for further protests in this predominantly Christian and devout country, went off without a problem and say that Ethiopia is not as fragile as some believe.

If these analysts are right, Ethiopia’s course over the coming years will encourage supporters of an authoritarian model of development across Africa and beyond.

Others, however, take an opposite view. They say the unrest has challenged the basic premises that underpin the legitimacy of the government in the country. If Ethiopians can no longer look forward to a steady evolution towards political pluralism and ethnic inclusion, coupled with a degree of material improvement, then the fundamental contract between the government and the population will break down. In this case, if there is no significant reform and particularly if there is no outlet for resentment through protest, an open media, unions or opposition parties, then the centre cannot hold for very long. As they doubt whether there exists leadership and intellectual capacity to execute the necessary changes, massive and disruptive change is inevitable. This view will encourage those who believe democracy is a prerequisite of sustainable development – though all but the most dogmatic will be concerned over the trauma such change implies.

The most likely scenario, as so often is the case, is that some kind of middle way will be found. All over Africa there is tension and friction, sometimes violence, along fracture lines that have little to do with formal frontiers between states. The “Africa rising” narrative does not fit this messy reality – but nor does its pessimistic opposite. Addis Ababa, like Ethiopia as a whole, has always charted its own path, confounding predictions and confusing pundits. This is unlikely to change now. There will doubtlessly be further waves of unrest, and detentions, repression and deaths. There will be some minor concessions from the authorities. Economic growth may slow. But it does not feel like the revolution is just around the corner.

On a Sunday, the priests’ chanting sounds out across Addis Ababa at 6am over crackling loudspeakers and the faithful file into the churches. Children join less edifying activities: street football, for the most part. By mid-morning the tourists, who never really went away despite the travel warnings (now mostly lifted), are queuing inside the national museum for a glance at the remains of Lucy, one of the earliest hominids, and middle-class families are taking selfies in its garden. Work crews in straw sun hats sweep the steps of the obelisk in Yekatit 12 square, which commemorates those who died resisting Italy’s occupation from 1936-1941.

Through the afternoon, on Churchill Street, boys sell mangoes, cheap watches, cigarettes and gums to a continuous rush of old men in crumpled suits, young women in tight dresses and older women in traditional white shawls. The packed minibuses that serve as taxis jostle and manoeuvre, watched by bored police officers.

As dusk turns to night, the fashionable lounge venues in the developed downtown neighbourhood of Bole fill with “re-pats”, who have returned from London, New York or Dubai, and there’s not a free table in the bars and restaurants of Arada, where men cluster around grilled meat and couples share bottles of beer, shouting to be heard over the music. By early evening, these bars’ multi-coloured strings of bulbs are the only ones shining in the gathering gloom. By midnight the music stops, the lights are turned off, and the remaining revellers make their way home.

Source: The Guardian 

By Jason Burke in Addis Ababa

Monday 13 March 2017 07.15 GMT Last 

ነጭ-ሽብር ተጀምሯል፣ ቀይ-ሽብር ይከተላል!

“ቆይ ግን፣ መንግስት ለምድነው እንዲህ የሚፈራው?” ይህ ጥያቄ ትላንት ከአንድ ጓደኛዬ ጋር ከሀገር አቀፍ የ12ኛ ክፍል ፈተና በኋላ አንዳንድ የኢንተርኔት አገልግሎቶች በዚያው ተቋርጠው መቅረታቸውን አስመልክቶ ስንወያይ ያነሳሁት ነው። ከቅርብ ግዜ ወዲህ መንግስት እየወሰዳቸው ያሉት እርምጃዎች የፍርሃት ይመስላሉ፤ “በነጭ-ሽብር ዘመን እንደነበረው ዓይነት ፍርሃት…” አልኩና ለራሴ ደነገጥኩ። ጓደኛዬም “በትክክል…‘መንግስት ልክ በነጭ-ሽብር ዘመን የነበረው ዓይነት ፍርሃት ውስጥ ነው” ብሎ ሃሳቡን ሲደግመው የባሰ ደነገጥኩ። ይሄን ጉዳይ ሙሉ ትኩረቴን ሰጥቼ ማጥናት እንዳለብኝ አመኜ የተለያዩ መረጃዎችን በማሰባሰብ፣ በ1968 ዓ.ም እና በ2008 ዓ.ም መካከል ያለውን ሁኔታ ለማነፃፀር ስሞክር፣ ነገሩ ከማስደንገጥ አልፎ አስፈራኝ። ከአርባ ዓመት በኋላ የነጭ-ሽብር ጥቃት አይናችን ስር እየተካሄደ እንደሆና ቀይ-ሽብር ደግሞ ከዚህ ቀጥሎ ሊመጣ እንደሚችል ማሰቡ በራሱ በጣም ያስፈራል። እስኪ ድሮና ዘንድሮን በንፅፅር እንመልከት።

ከሕዳር ወር 2008 ዓ.ም ጀምሮ በኦሮሚያና አማራ ክልሎች በተከሰተው የአመፅና ተቃውሞ እንቅስቃሴ ምክንያት በመቶዎች የሚቆጠሩ ሰዎች ሕይወት ጠፍቷል። በተለይ በኦሮሚያ ክልል የታየው የአመፅና ተቃውሞ አንቅስቃሴ በዋናነት በተማሪዎች የተቀሰቀሰ ሲሆን በሂደት ወደ ተለያዩ የሕብረተሰብ ክፍሎች ተስፋፍቷል። በዚህም፣ የኢትዮጲያ የሰብዓዊ መብት ኮሚሽን ባወጣው ሪፖርት መሰረት፣ በክልሉ ለ173 ሰዎች ሕይወት መጥፋት እና በ261 ሰዎች ላይ ከባድ የመቁሰል አደጋ ድርሷል። እንደ ሪፖርቱ፣ ከሟቾቹ ውስጥ 14ቱ የፀጥታ አስከባሪዎች፣ 14ቱ “የመንግስት ኃላፊዎች” ሲሆኑ፣ ከፍተኛ የመቁሰል አደጋ ከደረሰባቸው ውስጥ 110 የፀጥታ አስከባሪዎች መሆናቸው ታውቋል። በተመሣሣይ፣ ሰሞኑን በጎንደር ከተማ በተከሰተው ችግር ምክንያት በ20 ሰዎች እና በ11 የፀጥታ አስከባሪዎች ላይ የሕይወት መጥፋት አደጋ ተከስቷል። በአጠቃላይ፣ ባለፉት ስምንት ወራት ብቻ በኦሮሚያና አማራ ክልሎች 25 የፀጥታ አስከባሪዎች እና በ14 የመንግስት ባለስልጣናትን ላይ የሞት አደጋ ደርሷል።

ከመስከረም ወር 1968 ዓ.ም ጀምሮ በተማሪዎች አባላቱ ላይ ጠንካራ እርምጃ መውሰዱ በመጀመሩ ተከትሎ ኢህአፓ (የኢትዮጲ ህዝብ አብዮታዊ ፓርቲ) በደርግ አባላትና ደጋፊዎቹ ላይ የኃይል እርምጅ መውሰድ ጀመረ። የነጭ-ሽብር ጥቃቱን የተጀመረው በመስከረም ወር አጋማሽ ላይ በመንግስቱ ኃ/ማሪያም ላይ የግድያ ሙከራ በማድረግ ሲሆን ቀጥሎ ከፍተኛ የመንግስት ካድሬ የነበረውን አቶ ፍቅሬ መርድን በመግደል ነበር። በቀጣይ ሁለት ወራት ውስጥ 10 ከፍተኛ የደርግ ባለስልጣናትንና 15 የፀጥታ አስከባሪዎች በኢህአፓ ተገድለዋል። በ“African Watch Report” መሰረት፣ ኢህአፓ በደርግ አባላትና ደጋፊዎች ላይ እየወሰደ የነበረው የኃይል እርምጃ እስከ አመቱ አጋማሽ ድረስ የቀጠለ ሲሆን በዚህም በብዙ መቶዎች የሚቆጠሩ ሰዎች ተገድለዋል። ደርግ የአፀፋ እርምጃ መውሰድ የጀመረው በተመሣሣይ ወቅት ከመስከረም ወር ጀምሮ ቢሆንም የጅምላ እስርና ግድያ የጀመረው ግን ከየካቲት ወር በኋላ መሆኑን በሪፖርቱ ተጠቅሷል።

በአጠቃላይ፣ በ2008 ዓ.ም ከሕዳር ወር ጀምሮ 25 የፀጥታ አስከባሪዎች እና 14 የመንግስት ባለስልጣናት ተገድለዋል። በተመሣሣይ፣ በ1968 ዓ.ም በጥቅምትና ሕዳር ወር ውስጥ ብቻ 15 የፀጥታ አስከባሪዎች እና 10 የመንግስት ባለስልጣናት ተገድለው ነበር። በሁለቱም አጋጣሚዎች በመቶዎች የሚቆጠሩ ሰላማዊ ዜጎች ሕይወት የጠፋበት ከፍተኛ ደረጃ ላይ የደረሰ ግጭት እንደመከሰቱ በፀጥታ ኃይሎች ላይ የደረሰውን የሞትና የመቁሰል አደጋ መገመት ይቻል ይሆናል። ምክንያቱም፣ ለተቃውሞ ሰልፍ የወጡ ነዋሪዎችና የፀጥታ አስከባሪዎች በግጭቱ ቀጥተኛ ተሳታፊዎች እንደመሆናቸው መጠን፣ በእነዚህ አካላት ላይ የሚደርሰው የሞትና የመቁሰል አደጋ የግጭቱ ስፋት ይጠቁማል። በተመሣሣይ፣ የ1997 ዓ.ም ምርጫን ተከትሎ በተከሰተው አመፅና ብጥብጥ የተገደሉትን ሰዎች ብዛት መንግስት የ54 ብቻ ነው ሲል፣ አንዳንድ ወገኖች 193 እንደሆነ ይጠቅሳሉ። ሆኖም ግን፣ በወቅቱ የደረሰው የሞትና የመቁሰል አደጋ በዋናነት በሰላማዊ ዜጎችና ፀጥታ አስከባሪዎች ላይ እንጂ በመንግስት ባለስልጣናት ላይ አልነበረም። በመሆም፣ ከዘንድሮው ጋር ተመሣሣይ ነው ማለት አይቻልም።

በዘንድሮ አመት፣ ባለፉት ስምንት ወራት ውስጥ ብቻ 14 የመንግስት ባለስልጣናት ተገድለዋል። በአመፅና የተቃውሞ እንቅስቃሴው ቀጥተኛ ተሳታፊ ከሆኑት ዜጎችና የፀጥታ አስከባሪዎች በተለየ፣ የመንግስት ባለስልጣናት መገደላቸው የሚጠቁመው የግጭቱን ስፋት ሳይሆን የግጭቱን ዓይነት ነው። ከዚህ አንፃር፣ የዘንድሮ ግጭት በዓይነቱ ከ1968ቱ የነጭ-ሽብር ጥቃት ጋር ይበልጥ ተመሣሣይነት አለው። በሁለቱም አጋጣሚዎች የመንግስት ባለስልጣናት ከፀጥታ አስከባሪዎች እኩል የተቃዋሚ ኃይሎች ኢላማ ነበሩ። ከዚህ በተጨማሪ፣ ሃሳብን ይበልጥ ለመረዳት እንዲቻል ሰሞኑን በግሌ የታዘብኳቸውን ሁለት አጋጣሚዎች እንደ ማሳያ ለመጥቀስ እሞክራለሁ።

አጋጣሚ-1፡- ባለፈው ሳምንት በደቡብ ምዕራብ ሸዋ ዞን፣ ቱሉ-ቦሎ ከተማ ውስጥ ከተማዋ የቀድሞ ከንቲባ ማንነቱ ባልታወቀ ሰው በጥይት ተመትቶ መሞቱን ሰማሁ። እዚያ የሚኖር ጋደኛዬ ጋር ስልክ ደውዬ ስለ አሟሟቱ ስጤቀው ሰውዬው የተገደለው በስህተት እንደሆነ ነገረኝ። ነገሩ ገርሞኝ፤ “ጦር መሳሪያ ይዞ…፣ ሰው ለመግደል ጥይት ተኩሶ ሲያበቃ፣ እንዴት ነው “በስህተት” ሊባል የሚችለው የሚል ጥያቄ አስከተልኩ። “ሰውዬው የተገደለው በዕለቱ አንድ ከኦሮሚያ ክልል ቢሮ የመጣ ባለስልጣን ስለነበረ፣ ገዳዩ እሱን ያገኘ መስሎት ነው በስህተት የገደለው” በማለት የግል ግምቱን ነገረኝ።

አጋጣሚ-2፡- በቅርቡ በጎንደር ከተማ የነበረውን ሁኔታ አስመልክቶ በፌስቡክ ገፄ ላይ “በትግራይ ብሔር ተወላጆች ላይ የሚፈፀመው ጥቃት ይቁም!” የሚል ፅሁፍ ለጥፌ ነበር። በተለይ በንብረት ላይ የደረሰውን ጥፋት አስመልክቶ በተደጋጋሚ ሲሰጥ የነበረው፤ “ጥቃት የደረሰባቸው ‘የወያኔ/ህውሓት አቃጣሪዎች’ ናቸው” የሚለው አስተያየት ሲሆን ይህም ልክ እንደ ሚዛናዊ አስተያየት በብዙዎች ዘንድ ሲደጋገም ታዝቤያለሁ።

ከላይ በተጠቀሱት ችግሮች ዙሪያ በሚመለከተው አካል እየተደረገ ስላለው የማጣራት ስራ ዝርዝር መረጃ የለኝም። በእርግጥ የእኔ ትኩረት ዝርዝር መረጃ ላይ አይደለም። ከዚያ ይልቅ፣ በሁለቱም አጋጣሚዎች ላይ ስለሚንፀባረቀው የተሳሳተ እሳቤ ነው። ይህም፣ የመንግስት ኃላፊዎች እና ደጋፊዎች ሕይወት እና ንብረትን ማጥፋት ተገቢና ተቀባይነት ያለው ተግባር ተደርጎ መቅረቡ ላይ ነው። ልክ እንደ ነጭ-ሽብር ዘመን፣ ከሕግ አግባብ ውጪ የማንኛውም ዜጋ ሕይወትና ንብረት መጥፋት የለበትም የሚለው የሕግ-የበላይነት መርህ እንደዋዛ እየተሸረሸረ መሄዱ በጣም አሳሳቢ ነው።

በእርግጥ በ“ነጭ-ሽብር” እና “ቀይ-ሽብር” ዘመን በኢትዮጲያኖች ላይ የተፈፀመው ጅምላ ጭፍጨፋ ሀገሪቷን ዕውቀት መሃን አድርጓታል። በወቅቱ የተፈፀመው ጥፋት ግን በዋናነት በቃላት እንጂ በጥይት አልነበረም። ይህ በሀገራችን ታሪክ አሰቃቂ የሆነው ዘመን ሲመጣ ነጋሪት እያስጎሰመ አልነበረም። ከዚያ ይልቅ፣ በጥላቻና ስሜታዊ ግብዝነት በታጨቁ ቃላት እየተጎተተ ነው የመጣው። የሀገሪቱ የፖለቲካ ልሂቃን በተለያዩ መድረኮች የሚናገሯቸው ቃላት፣ ብዙሃኑን በአንድ ጎራ ማሰባሰብ ብቻ ሳይሆን ማሰብ እንዲያቆም ሊያደርጉት ሁሉ ይችላሉ (words that bind us also blind us)።

በ1968 ዓ.ም የኢህአፓ ጥቃት ከተጀመረ ከስምንት ወር በኋላ ጓድ መንግስቱ ኃ/ማሪያም በኢህአፓ ሲሰነዘርበት የነበረው ጥቃት “ነጭ-ሽብር” የሚል ስያሜ በመስጠት፣ አፀፋውን “ቀይ-ሽብር” ብሎ አወጀ። ይህን ተከትሎ፣ ሌ/ኮ አጥናፉ አባተ “በነጭ-ሽብር ለተገደለ አንድ አብዮተኛ አንድ ሺህ ፀረ-አብዮተኞች ይገደላሉ” (for every revolutionary killed, a thousand counter-revolutionaries executed) ብሎ ቃል በመግባት “የአብዮት ጥበቃ ጓዶችን” (Defense of the Revolution Squads) ማደራጀት ጀመረ። “መጥፎ ቀናት” (Evil Days) በሚል ርዕስ በ1983 ዓ.ም በወጣው የሰብዓዊ መብት ሪፖርት፤ “The promised ratio was not to be much of an exaggeration” በማለት፣ “በነጭ-ሽብር ለተገደለ አንድ የደርግ አባል አንድ ሺህ ተቃዋሚዎች ተገድለዋል” ቢባል ማጋነን እንዳልሆነ ይገልፃል።

በተመሣሣይ፣ የዘንድሮው አመፅ ከተከሰተ ከስምንት ወራት በኋላ፣ በተለይ በቅርቡ በጎንደር ከተማ በፀጥታ አስከባሪዎች (ፖሊሶች) እና ዜጎች ላይ ከደረሰው አደጋ ጋር ተያይዞ መንግስት የሚወስደው እርምጃ ችግሩን እንዳያባብሰው እሰጋለሁ። ከላይ ለመግለፅ እንደተሞከረው፣ በተለይ በኦሮሚያና አማራ ክልሎች እየታየ ያለው የአመፅና ተቃውሞ እንቅስቃሴ “የነጭ-ሽብር ተጀምሯል” ለማለት ያስደፍራል። በተመሣሣይ፣ የመንግስት ግብረ-መልሱ ልክ እንደ ደርግ በስሜታዊ ግብዝነትና ፍርሃት የሚመራ ከሆነ “ቀይ-ሽብር ይከተላል”። ስለዚህ፣ ሁሉም አካላት ነገሮችን ከማባባስ እንዲቆጠቡና በመንግስት የሚወሰዱ እርምጃዎች በጥሞና ሊታሰብባቸው እንደሚገባ ለማሳሰብ እወዳለሁ።